Guido Imbens - United States
Guido Imbens
How can you measure the unmeasurable? That’s the question Guido Imbens and Joshua Angrist wanted to answer. And so they did, in a manner of speaking.
In 2021, the two college professors won the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for their pioneering research on new methods of using econometrics and statistics to simulate policy experiments that might be unethical or too expensive to test in real life. Or, as the New York Times explained it, “They have developed research tools that help economists use real-life situations to test big theories, like how additional education affects earnings.”
The duo won the prize jointly with David Card, who used natural experiments to analyze the labor market.
We recently spoke with the Dutch-American Guido Imbens, a professor of economics at Stanford University, about his thoughts on economics, winning the Nobel Prize, and how he sees the research environment in the United States.
The idea for the research first came to Imbens and Angrist in a laundromat in the 1990s, when they were both assistant professors at Harvard University.
When I received a call from Sweden in the middle of the night, my three children got up and started to make breakfast for the Stanford people who came over to help with the media that showed up at my door. We have chickens at home, and my kids made scrambled eggs and pancakes for the media crew. It was a very proud parenting moment.
It feels great that the sort of work that I had done was being recognized, and I am thrilled to share the prize with two very good friends: (economist) Josh Angrist had been the best man at our wedding, and David Card is also a very close friend, we’ve known each other since the early ‘90s. Our work wasn’t always viewed very positively, and there was lots of pushback early on. All of us have gone through this whole journey together.
One of my research projects was to see what would happen if you gave everybody some guaranteed income. Clearly, here you could not do an experiment giving a large number of people universal basic income for a number of years, as the long-term implications of that would be incredibly expensive. But what we did was look at the lottery, which was essentially doing that experiment for us by giving randomly selected people large sums of money over a long period of time. In that way it resembles a universal basic income We found out that most of the people who won the lottery just kept working, may be just a couple of hours less. Looking at it this way gives you a credible way of understanding what the effect is of having unearned income, without doing an experiment.
Another example of my research was to look at the effect of military service. Together with my Dutch colleague Wilbert van der Klaauw, we looked at the effect on future earnings of the military service in the Netherlands. In the late ‘70s, the military didn’t need quite as many people in the draft as they were getting given the size of the birth cohorts, so they decided that one birth year cohort was going to be completely exempt; the men born in 1959 did not have to do military service. These were not smarter or dumber or different from those born a year before or after, but we found they have slightly higher earnings than those born a year before or a year after. Our estimates suggest that the effect of serving in military service on yearly earnings was roughly equivalent to the cost of losing a year of work experience.
There are incredibly strong research places with researchers that are very inspiring and stimulating, like Harvard, MIT or Stanford. Having a group of really high-quality people to talk to continuously in the next office or in the hallway is very inspiring. In addition, the top universities here are very broad. They try to be good at everything. It is also less siloed than in the Netherlands, where if you would come into a program, such as economics or law, there are fewer opportunities to take courses in other areas. Here in the US students specialize later, and that has some disadvantages, but it does make it easier to connect with people from other departments.
For the work I do, it is really important to interact with computer scientists as well as with people in political science and in statistics. At Stanford, all these groups are nearby, so it is very easy to get in touch with them. My students take classes in computer science and statistics. Interdisciplinary research here is very well organized. When I was at Harvard, I had the statistics department next door, so I started talking to people there and I taught classes together with people from the statistics department. And the universities here are good at integrating people from other cultures, both first and second generation immigrants. When I look around here in my business school, there’s someone from Iran in the next office or someone from Belgium or someone from France. There are people from India. There are people from China. It’s very diverse, and that is partly because the school system in the US doesn’t specialize quite so early, so it is easier for non-native English speakers to do well.
Bio & CV
1963: Born in Geldorp, the Netherlands
1982: Propadeutical Exam, econometrics, Erasmus University, Rotterdam
1983: Candidatum Exam, econometrics, Erasmus University, Rotterdam
1986: Master of Science, economics and econometrics (with distinction), University of Hull, UK
1989: Master of Arts, economics, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island
1990-1997: Assistant professor and associate professor, Harvard University
1997-2001: Professor at the University of California at Los Angeles
2002-2006: Professor, departments of Economics, and Agricultural and Resource Economics, University of California at Berkeley
2006-2012: Professor of economics, Harvard University
2012-present: Professor of economics, Graduate School of Business and Department of Economics, Stanford University